Despite granting women access to consumer markets and economic participation through their communication, capitalism has left intact patriarchal structures that foment misogyny.
During the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971, Bangladeshi women faced immense suffering and were subjected to greater hardships than their male counterparts. Many women were raped, tortured, and killed during the conflict. Despite these challenges, however, women played a crucial role in the struggle for independence, serving as nurses, spies, and even combatants in some cases. Their contributions were not only essential but also showcased their resilience and commitment to the cause.
Following Bangladesh’s independence on December 16, 1971, women across the nation were filled with hope for a brighter future. They believed that the new era would bring fresh opportunities and freedoms that had been denied to them for centuries. Determined to break free from oppressive patriarchal power structures, they set out to take proactive measures to effect change. Their aspirations were simple – to live without fear or discrimination and enjoy the same fundamental rights as men. Women looked forward to the day when they could move around freely and live independently anywhere in the country. They had faith that the government would take steps to safeguard their rights and freedoms, and they committed to working towards this goal.
The attainment of independence was not merely a matter of securing geographical autonomy; instead, it was a multifaceted pursuit that was marked by divergent aspirations among different segments of the populace. The elites, for instance, sought to supplant the displaced ruling class and ascend to the apex of the new political hierarchy. Conversely, the masses yearned for socio-economic liberation, regarding independence as a means to secure their long-standing quest for emancipation. It is imperative to note that the attainment of independence was not a homogenous affair but rather a pluralistic process shaped by the complex interplay of competing aspirations, interests, and agendas.
The prevailing narrative posits that the commodification and objectification of women are primary drivers of sexual harassment. However, it is important to note that men and children are also subject to commodification in capitalist societies. Despite this, the discourse predominantly focuses on women, overlooking the pervasive commodification of various other elements within capitalism. This raises questions about the inherent value of commodification and prompts discussion regarding potential alternatives.
Women from diverse backgrounds anticipated their government to strive for the establishment of socio-economic and politico-legal equity, a long-held aspiration. They genuinely believed that the new nation would signal an end to their victimization by entrenched patriarchal subjugation and misogynistic cultural norms.
The trust that women placed in their state at the beginning of independence quickly faded as they realized that the new state continued to support the existing male-dominated system and showed little effort in promoting gender equality.
After gaining independence, women felt hopeful and trusted the state. They began to enter public spaces in large numbers, challenging the deeply ingrained chauvinistic system. In response to this display of independence, male chauvinists started harassing women.
The women were disappointed to find that the state did not support them but instead reinforced the traditional power structures that favored men. They understood that without a strong feminist movement, they would not be able to free themselves from the systemic oppression of patriarchy.
The feminist movement that emerged in the early 1970s has evolved into a powerful force for positive change, striving to promote gender equality in all aspects of society. While feminists may have differing viewpoints, they are united in their efforts to transform existing male-dominated power structures and foster a more balanced and harmonious relationship between men and women.
Despite persistent gender injustices and enduring gender violence, these women have continued to make progress. They have now reached a position of such distinction that they are the primary contributors to the national economy, on which the very existence of patriarchy now depends. This achievement has introduced a new dynamic that the patriarchy had never encountered in its traditional, male-dominated economic sectors.
The rise of religious fundamentalism as a political force in the context of the Indian subcontinent can be interpreted as a reactionary response to the increasing economic empowerment of women. This phenomenon reflects a concerted effort to protect and reinforce traditional gender roles in the face of shifting economic dynamics.
The ideologies of “Islamism” and “Hinduism,” while seemingly at odds, share a common strategy of utilizing religious and traditional values to perpetuate patriarchal power structures and undermine the advancement of women in economic and social spheres. This reflects a broader pattern of using religion and cultural norms to maintain male dominance and resist the changing status quo in gender relations.
Followers of theocratic politics believe that women are biologically inferior and should not have equal rights and opportunities. Their primary political opponents are women, much like the way the bourgeoisie confronted the proletariat during the class struggles of the early 20th century or how colonizers clashed with nationalists in their fight for independence.
Proponents of religio-political ideologies often use social media to promote misogynistic politics and culture, aiming to uphold male dominance in society. They consider feminism to be a threat and believe that preventing its advancement is essential for maintaining social harmony.
In order to maintain the traditional masculine social structure, followers of fundamentalist ideologies continue to reinforce the existing framework of male chauvinism within social media and religious groups. Presently, proponents of Islamism and Hinduism have successfully propagated a discourse centered on women’s attire, which asserts that their clothing and lifestyles are causal factors in instances of sexual assault and further perpetuate the culture of rape.
In Bangladesh and Pakistan, conservative factions advocate for women to wear traditional attire, suggesting that women should mainly stay at home and only go out when absolutely necessary. Despite the prevalent discourse linking a woman’s attire to rape statistics, it’s important to note that in the context of Bangladesh and Pakistan, a significant number of rape victims were found to be wearing traditional clothing. Perpetrators specifically target these women because they perceive them as more vulnerable than those dressed in Western attire, assuming that they are more likely to conform to patriarchal norms and values. This misguided belief leads perpetrators to think that these women will be less likely to report harassment or assault.
In contrast, a minority of women who choose to wear Western attire are often perceived as independent and assertive, unafraid to express their individuality. Across the Indian subcontinent, women in Western outfits are seen as confident, and because wrongdoers tend to target those they perceive as vulnerable, they tend to avoid approaching these women. Western attire is seen as a symbol of defiance, representing a challenge to traditional values, norms, and perceptions of masculinity and male sexuality.
The prevailing narrative posits that the commodification and objectification of women are primary drivers of sexual harassment. However, it is important to note that men and children are also subject to commodification in capitalist societies. Despite this, the discourse predominantly focuses on women, overlooking the pervasive commodification of various other elements within capitalism. This raises questions about the inherent value of commodification and prompts discussion regarding potential alternatives.
Many critics contend that the process of commodification — where personal attributes and social relations are transformed into marketable goods — has significantly enhanced women’s empowerment in capitalist societies compared to feudal economies. In capitalist systems, women often gain access to consumer markets and economic participation, which can serve as a pathway to increased agency and independence. It is crucial to understand that those who critique the commodification of women do not universally oppose capitalism or advocate for alternative economic frameworks that would empower women in the state and society.
The lack of empowerment contributes significantly to the prevalence of sexual assault. Rape is not about sex; it’s an act of brutal domination by the powerful over the powerless. The power of rapists is rooted in the patriarchal power structure and the widespread culture of misogyny. It’s important to address the power imbalances that lead to these incidents and work towards creating a more equitable and respectful society for everyone.
Addressing the issue of rape necessitates a comprehensive approach that goes beyond harsh punitive measures and focuses on restructuring existing cultural and power dynamics. Achieving gender equity requires the dismantling of patriarchal socio-cultural, economic, legal, and ideological power structures. It is imperative to actively challenge patriarchal norms and the culture of misogyny, which are fundamental contributors to the prevalence of rape. In this context, it is incumbent upon the state to institute legal frameworks that ensure gender equality, thereby initiating the process of deconstructing the entrenched gendered power dynamics.
